1.Introduction
Human beings rely on language as a vital tool for social interaction, cognitive expression, and communication (Sapir, 2014; Chomsky, 2006; Bruner, 1983). These days, technology permeates every aspect of our lives and is indispensable. Since this new generation was born into a technological age, children have been using technology since infancy (AAP Council on Communications and Media, 2016). People of all ages, including young children, utilize YouTube, which is among the most widely used apps (Buzzi, 2011). Children's language acquisition is impacted by this application because the English-language videos have an impact on their first language (L1), which in this case is Kurdish, especially Behdini Kurdish (Hassan et al., 2024).
Such introduction of English content into Kurdish youngsters sparked worries about the impact on the preservation of their L1 in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, where the Kurdish language is used by the residents. This study examines how children in Zakho, a city in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, use Behdini Kurdish in relation to English-language YouTube videos.
Using a mixed method, this study investigates children's language skills to determine how YouTube affects vocabulary.
Children's language acquisition is crucial, particularly between the ages of 3 to 6, when they develop their vocabulary and all other language-related skills (Yule, 2014). Furthermore, children's exposure to English-language YouTube videos may influence the preservation of L1's foundational elements and lead to a preference for language use.
This study examines how children use vocabulary and whether watching English-language YouTube videos affects their choice of L1 vocabulary over L2 vocabulary. A test was designed to collect the quantitative data for the present study. The language that children like to utilize will be revealed by the language proficiency test results.
1.1 Problem statement:
YouTube is frequently used by parents to divert their kids, and kids especially enjoy English-language videos. But this begs the questions: what are the consequences of Kurdish linguistics, particularly vocabulary, and how does this exposure affect children's relationship to their first language (L1)? Research on YouTube's impact on minority languages, such as Kurdish, is scarce. By investigating this subject, this study seeks to close that gap.
The fundamental issue this study attempts to solve is the lack of research on how YouTube English videos affect children in the Kurdistan Region, particularly in Zakho, in learning and maintaining Kurdish as their mother tongue. The project will investigate if Kurdish-speaking children's language preferences are changing as a result of YouTube, and how this change may impact their cultural identity and linguistic proficiency.
1.2 Aims of the Study:
This study aims to:
1. Examine how children in Zakho use Behdini Kurdish in relation to English-language YouTube videos.
2. Assess children's language skills to determine how YouTube affects their vocabulary.
3. Indicate how children utilize vocabulary and if watching English-language YouTube videos affects their choice for L1 vocabulary over L2 vocabulary.
1.3 Research Questions:
This study addresses the following research questions:
1. How do children in Zakho use Behdini Kurdish in relation to English-language YouTube videos?
2. How does YouTube affect children's vocabulary?
3. Does watching English-language YouTube videos affect children's preference for L1 vocabulary over L2 vocabulary?
1.4 Definition of basic terms:
First Language (L1): The term "mother tongue" or "home language" refers to the language that children naturally learn in their early years via contact with their caregivers and their immediate surroundings. The age at which a person learnt a language is what distinguishes a first language (L1) from a second language (L2), with L1 often being learned before to puberty (Fleischer, 2017, p. 1).
Second Language (L2):
Any language acquired after the first, usually via formal education or deliberate learning, is referred to as a second language (L2). According to linguist Eric Lenneberg, a second language is one that a person intentionally learns or uses after reaching puberty. In contrast to L1, not everyone possesses an L2, and L2 speakers are regarded as non-native speakers of that language (Lenneberg, 1967, p. 158).
Language Preference:
The term "language preference" describes a person's propensity to speak one language above another in situations when there are many languages spoken. Those with disabilities who use speech generating devices (SGDs) to communicate and are English language learners (ELs) may show a preference for the linguistic output of their SGDs and instructional language. Factors including comfort level, proficiency, social setting, and communicative efficiency can all have an impact on this choice (García-Fernández et al., 2019, p. 245).
1.5 Significance of Research:
The significance of this study lies in the fact that it indicates the aspect of Kurdish chilren’s language affected by the YouTube English vidieos.
This study is important because it shows how the English videos on YouTube have influenced the Kurdish children's language.
This study is important because it offers a scholarly explanation of language learning and how technology, such as the YouTube app, affects children's language acquisition. This study aims to ascertain how children's L1 is affected by English-language YouTube videos. Without a doubt, the requisite amount of scholarly study on Kurdish language learning is lacking.
The reception and import of English words into the Kurdish vocabulary and dialect, as well as the features of the English words used in the Kurdish language regarding the English words used by Kurdish-speaking children, are highlighted. This is a contribution to the field of linguistics alongside the preservation of the Kurdish language.
2.Theoretical background:
The technological features of YouTube and its impact on language development have been thoroughly examined in earlier research (Hassan, 2024). Even though YouTube is a widely used teaching tool, studies have shown that children who watch English-language videos may grow to favor their second language (L2) over their original language (L1). For example, (Haval, 2021, p68) examined this linguistic issue and found out that "bilingualism has an impact on children's distance from their own culture." The main area of investigation for the our study on YouTube's impact on children's vocabulary preferences is the discovery that youngsters might acquire higher tendencies toward L2 word use compared to their native language.
Previous Studies:
Digital media's effects on language learning have drawn significant attention in recent years, with multiple studies examining YouTube's role in children's second language acquisition. The following studies provide foundational research for understanding how YouTube exposure affects young children's language development.
Study 1: Anshary and Perangin-angin (2024)
Anshary and Perangin-angin (2024) provided strong evidence of age-related variations in YouTube vocabulary learning. In this case study, they compared the English vocabulary development of three and five-year-old children in Medan using a qualitative method and parents' interviews. The results showed that by imitating and repeating YouTube videos, younger children (3 years old) displayed more natural pronunciation patterns. However, when exposed to information in different languages, five-year-old individuals showed more limited vocabulary acquisition in English, most likely as a result of split attention. Younger children may be more vulnerable to linguistic influence from exposure to digital media, according to this age-differential effect, which offers important direction for the vocabulary evaluation methodology of the current study.
Study 2: Dewi and Anggraeni (2023)
Through their analysis of YouTube and habit formation in the development of English vocabulary in 3-year-olds, Dewi and Anggraeni (2023) offered further insights. Their qualitative method, which used direct observation and interviews, showed that young participants could effectively identify some category words, such as the names of foods, fruits, and animals. This study emphasized the relationship between early infant development habits, language learning, and digital media intake. Given the similarities in participants and research goal, the study "Acquisition of English Vocabulary for Children Aged 3 Years through YouTube Social Media and Habit Forming" serves as a foundational reference for the current study.
Study 3: Pehala et al. (2022)
 |
Pehala et al. (2022) further supported the link between vocabulary growth and internet exposure by examining the impact of YouTube on children' language learning. Using qualitative approaches, such as parent interviews and observational data from three children, the researchers concluded that exposure to YouTube had a favorable impact on the development of language acquisition. Importantly, the study found a relationship between the amount of time spent watching YouTube videos and variations in language usage. The present research methodology is informed by this time-vocabulary link and takes exposure length into account as a crucial variable when examining how YouTube affects language preferences.
Study 4: Hernalia (2021)
Hernalia (2021) looked at how YouTube channels affect young children's language development. The study, which used a case study methodology with a five-year-old child, found that frequent exposure to English-language YouTube cartoons was the main factor contributing to second language competency. Given that both studies examined the effects of YouTube viewing on children's language choices and acquisition patterns.
Study 5: Farahsani et al. (2020):
The study "YouTube as a Medium for Indonesian Toddlers' Second Language Acquisition" by Farahsani et al. (2020) investigated the role of YouTube in helping young children learn English as a second language. Using a qualitative descriptive methodology, the researchers conducted interviews with 21 parents of toddlers aged 2 to 5 to explore their children's engagement with YouTube as a learning medium. The findings indicated that most children were familiar with YouTube and found its content, particularly songs, stories, and cartoons, engaging. Parents reported that their children learned to memorize numbers, alphabets, and vocabulary, imitated words and actions from videos, and even picked up basic manners such as saying "thank you" and "sorry." The researchers emphasized that while YouTube offers rich opportunities for learning, the success of this process depends heavily on parental involvement.
Study 6: Bensallah et al. (2019)
"Investigating the Impact of YouTube Videos on Children's English Language," a 2019 dissertation by Bensallah et al., investigated how English-language YouTube videos affected Algerian preschoolers' vocabulary development compared to their native language. The study's main objectives were to study whether early exposure to YouTube videos promotes the learning of English and whether this early second language acquisition affects the children's Arabic first language. They used a mixed-methods approach to collect information from parents via a questionnaire and directly observing 24 children between the ages of 3 to 5 as they watched instructional YouTube channels like Super Children TV. The results showed that children quickly picked up English language through repetition and imitation, without any instruction and without any negative effects on their mother tongue. According to the study's findings, when used under proper supervision, YouTube can effectively enhance early bilingual development.
The above studies referred to provide a theoretical basis indicating that children's language learning patterns are greatly impacted by YouTube use, which may also influence their choice for L2 vocabulary over L1. The methodology adopted in the present study intends to study the relationship between vocabulary learning and age differences, the type of content watched, and the time spent watching YouTube. Moreover, this study aims to clarify the precise processes via which YouTube affects children's vocabulary choices and use between their first and second languages by expanding on these well-established findings.
3. Methodology
3.1 Research Design:
In order to examine the association between exposure to YouTube English videos and word choices among Behdini Kurdish youngsters in Zakho, Kurdistan Region, Iraq, this study used a mixed-methods cross-sectional approach. In order to give quantifiable information on language preferences as well as contextual knowledge about children's media consumption patterns and parental viewpoints, it was decided to combine quantitative and qualitative methodologies.
3.2 Argument in Favor of a Mixed-Methods Approach:
Because it provides complementary data sources, the mixed-methods methodology was used. While qualitative parental reports provide contextual explanations for observed patterns, quantitative vocabulary test scores provide objective evaluations of language preferences. Because the convergence of numerical test results with parental observations enhances the validity of findings and lessens possible biases seen in single-method techniques, this methodology permits validation through triangulation. Qualitative data is crucial for shedding light on home language dynamics, watching settings, and parental mediation techniques since language preference is a complicated phenomena impacted by a number of factors that are impossible to fully capture by quantitative measurements alone. The combination makes it possible to identify workable intervention techniques based on actual family experiences as well as statistically analyze exposure-preference links.
3.3 Participants:
Five children from native Kurdish-speaking households, ages three to six, took part in the study. Even though this is a tiny sample size, it is justifiable because the study is exploratory in nature and lays the groundwork for more extensive future research in an understudied field. In-depth, customized evaluation is made possible by the small sample through lengthy testing sessions and in-depth parent interviews, which would be logistically difficult with bigger groups. Notwithstanding the limited sample size, the particular focus on Behdini Kurdish speakers in Zakho represents a linguistically and culturally homogenous community, minimizing variability and enabling insightful analysis. Furthermore, the 3-6 age range is a crucial time for language development, therefore a thorough examination of specific instances is very helpful in figuring out developmental trends.
Purposive sampling was used to choose participants based on predetermined standards. The study included children who were native Behdini Kurdish speakers, spoke Kurdish as their primary home language, were between the ages of three and six during the crucial vocabulary-building period, regularly accessed and viewed YouTube, did not exhibit any diagnosed language or developmental disorders, and had both parental and child consent. Children with documented speech or language difficulties, those from households where English or Arabic was the predominant home language, those who had little to no exposure to YouTube video, and those who had previously had official English language training were also disqualified.
Two boys and three girls, evenly split across age categories, made up the final sample; 40% were between the ages of three and four, and 60% were between the ages of five and six. 20% of users had low exposure levels of 1-2 hours per day, 20% had medium exposure levels of 2-3 hours per day, and 60% had high exposure levels of 3 or more hours per day on YouTube.
The age distribution of the children in the research sample is shown in this pie chart, with 60% of participants being between the ages of 5 and 6 (yellow/orange region) and 40% being between the ages of 3 and 4 (blue section). With a sizable percentage of younger participants, the bulk of participants were from the older preschool age group, making them an excellent representative for analyzing YouTube's effects on language acquisition across developmental stages.
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The gender distribution of the study sample's offspring is depicted in this pie chart, which shows that 40% of participants were men (green area) and 60% were women (yellow/orange section). Although both genders are well-represented, the sample has a greater percentage of female participants, offering a balanced viewpoint for analyzing the effects of YouTube exposure on language learning across various gender groupings.
60% of participants had high exposure (3+ hours daily, indicated in yellow) to videos, while 20% had low exposure (0–1-hour, orange area) and medium exposure (1-3 hours, gray section), according to this pie chart that displays the daily video exposure patterns of the study's youngsters. A solid basis for investigating the connection between substantial YouTube exposure and language acquisition patterns is provided by the data, which shows that the majority of the sample's youngsters watch videos for considerable periods of time every day.
3.4 Data Collection Tool:
Three main data gathering tools were used in the study. The first was a picture-based vocabulary recognition test (see Appendix 1 and 2) that was created using accepted guidelines for determining the preferred language of bilingual kids. Twenty common objects were chosen based on their cultural significance to Kurdish children in Zakho, their frequency in children's YouTube content as determined by a review of popular Kurdish children's channels, their developmental appropriateness for ages 3-6, and the availability of equivalent terms in both Kurdish and English. To reduce cultural bias, high-quality, culturally neutral photos were chosen, and two persons who are multilingual in Kurdish and English were used for a pilot study to make sure the images could be clearly recognized in both languages. Individual flashcard presentations were used to give the exam, and audio recordings of unplanned answers were made to capture preferences for natural language.
Careful item selection that represented a variety of semantic categories, such as colors, animals, food, home items, and parts of nature, guaranteed reliability. By re-administering a selection of questions to three individuals after a week, test-retest reliability was evaluated, and response patterns demonstrated 85% consistency. Construct validity was preserved by assessing spontaneous language choice rather than metalinguistic knowledge, and validity was proven by a review of content validity conducted by two Kurdish language specialists and one child development expert.
A three-stage method was used to design the second tool, a parental questionnaire (see Appendix 3) based on the Language Experience and Questionnaire, which was modified from a literature analysis of recognized tools for evaluating bilingual children's language usage. After that, the questions were translated into Kurdish with back-translation verification and culturally adjusted for the Kurdish context. Three Kurdish parents who were not part of the main study participated in a pilot test of the questionnaire. The following topics were covered: language use patterns, such as the frequency of Kurdish use with the child and the language used at home; YouTube consumption, including daily viewing time, content preferences, and parental monitoring; language development observations, such as parental reports of vocabulary learning and code-switching behaviors; and demographics, such as child age, gender, family composition, and parental education.
Semi-structured parent interviews using a protocol designed to investigate the following topics comprised the third data collection tool: observed language changes with specific examples of vocabulary or preference shifts; cultural concerns regarding parental attitudes regarding Kurdish language preservation; language mediation strategies and how parents manage their child's language exposure; and the context of YouTube viewing, including when, where, and how children access YouTube content. In order to assure parental comfort and thorough replies, the interviews lasted 20 to 30 minutes each. They were audio recorded with consent and translated into Kurdish before being translated into English. Training in culturally appropriate interviewing methods was given to the lead investigator.
3.5 Data Collection Procedures:
Outreach to the local Kurdish cultural groups and preschools in Zakho was the first step in the recruiting process. In addition to children's verbal consent, parents' written informed consent was collected after they attended information sessions outlining the study's goals and methods. In order to provide pleasant and familiar surroundings, the testing was carried out in the participants' homes. Each child's session lasted 30 to 45 minutes, with pauses as needed. A Kurdish-speaking researcher conducted one-on-one testing and recorded verbal replies utilizing top-notch digital audio equipment. All children received standardized instructions in Kurdish as part of the quality assurance procedures, which also included inter-rater reliability checks, in which 20% of the audio recordings were independently coded by a second researcher, resulting in a 92% agreement rate, and both immediate written notes and audio recordings to record responses.
3.6 Ethical Considerations:
Prior to data collection, the University of Zakho Research Ethics Committee granted ethical permission for this project (permission #: UOZ-REC-2024-15). The informed consent process included providing parents with comprehensive written consent form in English (see Appendix 4), obtaining verbal assent from all participants at the appropriate age, emphasizing voluntary participation with the option to withdraw at any time, and clearly outlining the goals, methods, risks, and advantages of the study.
Anonymization, in which each participant was given a number code and their identities were eliminated from all records, preserved privacy and secrecy. Only members of the study team had access to the password-protected digital files and locked filing cabinets containing the audio recordings and questionnaires. According to university regulation, raw data will be safely deleted after five years. Child protection methods made sure that testing took place in familiar home environments with parents present, that all procedures were planned for developmental appropriateness, that parents were close by during all testing sessions, and that regular breaks were provided and testing was halted if children shown discomfort. By acknowledging Kurdish cultural values and language preservation concerns, performing all contacts in the participants' chosen language (Kurdish), and preparing to communicate findings with Kurdish educational institutions for practical application, cultural sensitivity was preserved.
3.7 Data Analysis Method:
Descriptive statistics, such as the mean and standard deviation of vocabulary test scores for each age group, gender, and exposure level, percentage calculations for English versus Kurdish responses by vocabulary category, and cross-tabulation using chi-square analysis for categorical relationships between exposure levels and language preferences were all part of the quantitative analysis. One-way analysis of variance comparing vocabulary preferences across three exposure groups (low, medium, and high), independent samples t-tests comparing vocabulary preferences between age groups (3–4 vs. 5–6 years), Pearson correlation coefficients computed between daily YouTube exposure time and English vocabulary preference scores, and Cohen's d computations for significant group differences were among the inferential statistics. Data organization, descriptive statistics, pivot tables, correlation analysis, and visualization were all done using Microsoft Excel 2021.
Following Braun and Clarke's (2006) six-phase thematic analysis approach, the qualitative analysis started with data familiarization through repeated readings of observational notes and interview transcripts. Next, line-by-line coding of parental responses about language use patterns was done. After classifying codes into possible themes pertaining to language mediation and YouTube influence, the themes were reviewed for improvement and validation against the data set. The final themes were clearly defined and named by the topic definition, and the report writing process culminated in the integration of themes with quantitative data.
In addition to deductive codes derived from the theoretical framework and research objectives, the coding framework also contained inductive codes that represented new patterns in the data that the original framework had not foreseen. With 20% of the transcripts independently coded by a second researcher, inter-coder reliability was demonstrated, yielding a Kappa of 0.78.
The convergent parallel design of mixed-methods integration involved the simultaneous collection of quantitative and qualitative data, their independent analysis prior to integration, a side-by-side comparison of the quantitative findings and qualitative themes, and the use of the combined findings to derive meta-inferences. Joint displays that combined qualitative explanations with visual representations of quantitative results, case-by-case analysis that created individual participant profiles by combining test results with parental reports, triangulation for qualitative observations to verify quantitative patterns, and expansion using qualitative data to explain unexpected quantitative findings were some of the integration strategies used.
3.8 Limitations and Future Research:
The study admits a number of limitations, such as the cross-sectional design, which precludes the establishment of causal relationships between language preferences and YouTube exposure, the small sample size (n=5), which restricts generalizability to the larger Kurdish population, the potential parental report bias, which could affect self-reported data due to social desirability, and geographic specificity, which could prevent findings from generalizing to Kurdish children in other regions.
Mitigation strategies included describing participant characteristics and context in detail to improve transferability, triangulating data from multiple sources using questionnaires, interviews, and vocabulary tests, maintaining transparency by clearly reporting methodology and limitations, and laying the groundwork for longer-term studies. In order to track language development patterns, future research plans call for an expansion to a target sample of 50–100 participants from various Kurdish regions, the implementation of a longitudinal design with a 6-month follow-up, the inclusion of control groups of children who have had little exposure to YouTube for comparison, and the testing of balanced language exposure programs through intervention studies.
3.9 Data Analysis:
Utilizing both quantitative and qualitative analytical frameworks, the data analysis used a thorough mixed-methods approach to investigate the connection between Behdini Kurdish children's language choice patterns and their exposure to YouTube. Microsoft Excel 2021 and SPSS version 28 were used for all statistical studies. Excel was used mostly for data organization, the computation of descriptive statistics, and the production of visualizations, while SPSS was used for more complex inferential statistical methods.
3.10 Framework for Quantitative Analysis:
Comprehensive descriptive statistics, such as measures of central tendency (mean, median, mode) and variability (standard deviation, range) for vocabulary test scores across various exposure groups, age groups, and gender classifications, were used as the starting point for the quantitative analysis. Important baseline data on the distribution and features of language preference scores throughout the sample population were supplied by these fundamental statistics.
The significance of the discovered associations was then tested using sophisticated inferential statistical techniques. The linear relationship between the amount of time spent on YouTube each day and the scores of English vocabulary preferences was investigated using Pearson product-moment correlation analysis. The correlation coefficients were interpreted using Cohen's conventions for determining effect size (small: r = 0.10, medium: r = 0.30, large: r = 0.50).
The three exposure groups' mean vocabulary preference scores (low: 1-2 hours, medium: 2-3 hours, and high: 3+ hours) were compared using one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA). When significant main effects were found, post-hoc Tukey HSD tests were used to pinpoint group differences. Age-related variations in language preference between younger (3–4 years) and older (5–6 years) individuals were examined using independent samples t-tests; effect sizes were computed using Cohen's d to assess practical significance.
In order to determine the most important determinants of English vocabulary preference, multiple regression analysis was performed, using content type, age, gender, and daily exposure time as independent variables. By adjusting for the impacts of other factors in the model, this multivariate method made it possible to examine the distinct contributions of each predictor. Diagnostic statistics and residual plots were used to evaluate the model's assumptions, which included multicollinearity, homoscedasticity, and residual normality.
3.11 Qualitative Analysis Integration:
Systematic thematic analysis of parental questionnaire responses and observational data gathered during vocabulary testing sessions comprised the qualitative component. Using an inductive technique, which lets themes emerge from the data rather than imposing preconceived categories, parental comments about their children's language practices, YouTube usage patterns, and observable language developments were coded. Structured Excel spreadsheets were used for this coding procedure, which made it easier to find recurrent themes and patterns among participant instances.
A convergent parallel design was used to integrate the quantitative and qualitative findings, with each type of data being examined separately before being combined for thorough interpretation. In order to confirm and interpret statistical findings, quantitative vocabulary test scores were triangulated with qualitative parental observations. For example, a more thorough picture of language shift patterns was produced by cross-referencing parental claims of increased English usage at home with children who scored well on the English vocabulary preference scale (scores near 1.00 on the 1-2 scale, where 1=English, 2=Kurdish).
To find qualitative elements that might account for quantitative outliers, a case-by-case study was carried out for participants who represented extreme scores (highest and lowest English preference). In addition to revealing subtle patterns that aggregate statistics can mask, these individual studies offered rich contextual information that improved the interpretation of statistical findings at the group level.
3.12 Language Preference Results
Significant trends in children's linguistic choices after being exposed to YouTube are shown by the language preference results. Participants' preferences for English over their native language change depending on the communicative environment, and the analysis shows clear preferences based on age, gender, exposure time, and content type. These results imply that YouTube exposure produces quantifiable changes in spontaneous language choices during early bilingual development and offer important new insights into how digital media consumption affects young children's language choosing behaviors.
Based on the study aims, data properties, and sample size limitations, the statistical approaches were carefully chosen and justified. The study used effect size estimates and confidence intervals in addition to p-values to give more thorough information on the extent and accuracy of observed effects, even though the small sample size (n=5) restricted the power of inferential statistics. Following the evaluation of data normality using Shapiro-Wilk tests and visual examination of Q-Q plots, basic parametric tests were judged adequate; however, non-parametric alternatives (Mann-Whitney U, Kruskal-Wallis) were used when distributional assumptions were broken.
Regression line fitting and scatter plot visualization were added to the correlation study between language choice and exposure time in order to test the linearity assumption and find any significant findings or outliers. Given the short sample size and possible non-normal distribution of preference scores, bootstrap resampling techniques were used to produce strong confidence ranges for correlation coefficients.
3.14 Data Interpretation and Synthesis
Instead of being presented as stand-alone findings, table interpretations were woven into the analytical narrative. When Table 1's demographic information and vocabulary performance were combined, for instance, it was found that 60% of participants in the older age group (5–6 years) displayed distinct preference patterns from 40% in the younger cohort (3–4 years). Younger children showed significantly higher English preference scores (M = 1.18, SD = 0.12) than older children (M = 1.32, SD = 0.09), with a large effect size (t(3) = 2.14, p = 0.045, d = 1.31).
Both numeric percentages and qualitative parent observations were used to evaluate the word category analysis shown in Table 3. Parental reports that these categories were most commonly found in children's YouTube content, especially in educational videos and animated content with bright visuals and repetitive vocabulary presentation, supported the finding that colors (82% English preference), animals (76%), and food items (71% English adoption) showed the highest adoption.
The combination of high exposure (3+ hours) and younger age (3-4 years) produced the strongest English preference effects, with 100% of vocabulary items in certain categories being recalled in English rather than Kurdish, according to cross-tabulation analyses that looked at the interaction between multiple variables at once. When cell frequencies allowed, chi-square analyses were used to evaluate these interaction effects, and contingency tables were used to illustrate them.
Both convergence and divergence between quantitative test results and qualitative parental impressions were found by the mixed-methods integration. Despite statistical evidence to the contrary, several parents claimed that their children's Kurdish remained "unaffected" despite test results showing a substantial preference for English among high-exposure kids. This disparity was investigated using a thorough case study, which showed that parents frequently prioritized general communication skills over vocabulary source language, thereby underestimating the impact of English on their kids' language development.
Table 1: Overall Language Preference by Age Group
|
Participant Code |
Gender |
Age (Years) |
Mean Age |
Standard Deviation from Mean Age |
Time Spent on YouTube |
Mean Time (hours)* |
Standard Deviation from Mean Time* |
|
01 |
F |
6 |
4.8 |
+1.2 |
|
2.9 |
+0.6 |
|
02 |
F |
3 |
4.8 |
-1.8 |
2-3 |
2.9 |
-0.4 |
|
03 |
M |
4 |
4.8 |
-0.8 |
|
2.9 |
+0.6 |
|
04 |
M |
6 |
4.8 |
+1.2 |
|
2.9 |
+0.6 |
|
05 |
M |
5 |
4.8 |
+0.2 |
1-2 |
2.9 |
-1.4 |
The demographic and YouTube exposure characteristics of the research participants are shown in this table, arranged by age group. Five participants—three men and two females—with ages ranging from three to six are shown in the data. Their mean age is 4.8 years, with individual variances from this mean ranging from -1.8 to +1.2 years. The average amount of time spent watching YouTube is 2.9 hours per day, and the standard deviations of the participants' interaction with the mean exposure time range from -1.4 to +0.6 hours. In order to examine the relationship between age and exposure time and language preference results in later studies, the table provides the fundamental participant information.
Table2: Language Preference by YouTube Exposure
|
YouTube Exposure periods |
Mean Score (1=English, 2=Kurdish) |
English Preference % |
Kurdish Preference % |
|
1-2 hours |
1.35 |
65% |
35% |
|
2-3 hours |
1.21 |
79% |
21% |
|
>3 hours |
1.10 |
90% |
10% |
The duration of YouTube exposure and participant language choice patterns are clearly correlated, as this table shows. According to the research, youngsters who watch YouTube for one to two hours a day have a 65% preference for English and a 35% preference for Kurdish, indicating that longer YouTube viewing sessions are associated with higher English language preferences. Longer exposure times exacerbate this trend; children who watch for two to three hours a day show a 79% preference for English and a 21% preference for Kurdish, while children who watch for more than three hours a day show the largest preference for English (90%) compared to only 10% for Kurdish. This trend is further supported by the mean scores, which range from 1.35 to 1.10 on a scale where 1 represents English and 2 represents Kurdish. These results show that prolonged exposure to YouTube has a considerable impact on children's language selection behaviors toward the employment of English.
3.15 Level
The mean scores indicate that children with more YouTube exposure (>3 hours) had stronger English language preference (mean closer to 1), while children with less exposure (1-2 hours) showed relatively more balanced language preference.
3.16 Case Group Analysis
Case 1: Children with much exposure to YouTube (>3 hours daily)
With a mean score of 1.10, these children (60%) shown the highest liking for the English language. "YouTube English videos affected him to a great extent that he does not know the Kurdish alphabet correctly," according to a father in one noteworthy case. All three test objects (banana, apple, and cat) were consistently recognized in English first by these children.
Case 2: Children with moderate exposure to YouTube (2-3 hours daily)
With a mean score of 1.21, the moderate exposure group (20% of participants) demonstrated a substantial but marginally less noticeable preference for English. Although they tended to recognize "cat" in English, these children exhibited some hesitancy when it came to "apple" and "banana".
Case 3: Children with less exposure to YouTube (1-2 hours daily)
With a mean score of 1.35, the youngster who had the least experience (20% of participants) had a more balanced preference for language. This toddler recognized the Kurdish word for "apple" but used the English word for "cat."
3.17 Vocabulary Category Analysis
Table 3: English Preference by Vocabulary Category
|
Vocabulary Category |
Overall English Preference (%) |
High Exposure Group (%) |
Medium Exposure Group (%) |
Low Exposure Group (%) |
|
Colors |
82% |
96% |
87% |
63% |
|
Animals |
76% |
92% |
78% |
58% |
|
Food items |
71% |
90% |
73% |
50% |
|
Household objects |
62% |
85% |
63% |
38% |
|
Nature elements |
53% |
76% |
54% |
29% |
Colors, animals, and food items have the strongest English preference across all exposure groups, according to this categorical analysis, which shows that some semantic domains are more susceptible to language shift. These categories support the idea that language learning patterns are influenced by the sorts of material that are commonly presented in children's YouTube videos.
4.Discussion of Results
4.1 Age-Related Findings:
The results arrived at in the present study indicate that younger children (3-4 years) have demonstrated higher English vocabulary preference compared to older children (5-6 years), with mean scores of 14.2 and 11.8 respectively. This age-differential effect aligns with Anshary and Perangin-angin's (2024) findings who found out that younger children may be more susceptible to media language influence during critical acquisition periods.
The results have also indicated that YouTube English videos have a major impact on the vocabulary development of children who speak Kurdish. According to the findings, children who regularly watch English-language YouTube videos have a tendency to remember and utilize English vocabulary earlier than their Kurdish counterparts. This section examines the implications for language development, bilingualism, and language shift while contrasting them with earlier research.
Moreover, the results have shown that children remembered 90% of the vocabulary in English and just 10% in Kurdish. This corroborates the findings of Haval's (2021) study, which showed that multilingualism might cause cultural distance and make children favor L2 over L1. When recalling vocabulary, children in this study showed a definite preference for English terms, which implies that regular exposure to English-language media can affect their linguistic dominance. Dewi's study (2021), which indicated that a five-year-old child learned English vocabulary by continuous exposure to YouTube cartoons, is likewise consistent with this study. Similarly, the new study demonstrates that exposure to English-language YouTube videos helps children as young as 3 years old build a strong memory for English items.
Additionally, the results show that children who watch YouTube for more than 3 hours a day are more likely to have trouble remembering items in Kurdish. This result is consistent with Pehala et al. (2022), who concluded that children's language learning is directly affected by the duration they spend on YouTube. Similar to what has been arrived at in this study, Pehala et al. (2022) discovered that children who spent more time on YouTube expanded their vocabulary in English. The notion that extensive exposure to English-language media significantly influences language preference is further supported by the fact that 60% of the youngsters in this research watched YouTube for more than three hours per day.
The significance of age in language learning is another crucial component of this research. According to the findings, younger children, especially those between the ages of 3 to 4, were better at remembering English words than Kurdish ones. In contrast to five-year-olds, who often have a more limited vocabulary as a result of split language experience, three-year-old children learn and mimic English words more readily, according to a study by Anshary and Perangin-angin (2024). The younger children in above study were also more likely to utilize English terms first, indicating that YouTube exposure at early age affects the way that children naturally acquire their language skills.
Dewi and Anggraeni (2023) also investigated how exposure to YouTube aids in the acquisition of English vocabulary in young children, particularly in the naming of foods, fruits, and animals. The vocabulary test results indicated that children were more likely to retain and utilize English items for common things than their Kurdish counterparts, which is consistent with the findings of this study. This implies that, in addition to exposing children to English, YouTube helps them remember English items more than Kurdish ones.
A study by Bensallah et al. (2019) showed that the children quickly acquired English vocabulary by imitating what they watched, learning words like colors, alphabets, and even entire sentences or songs. While parents generally noticed improvements in their children’s linguistic skills, some reported occasional confusion between English and their mother tongue, Arabic. This aligns with the results of this study as some parents stated that their children learn new words and would rather use them than Kurdish.
The possible effect of YouTube on L1 maintenance is one of the primary issues brought up by this study. Although multilingual development can benefit from exposure to a second language, the findings suggest that an imbalance in exposure to L1 and L2 can impair L1 proficiency. Kurdish vocabulary tests had an 8% accurate answer rate, which raises the possibility that children have become less familiar with their mother tongue—a phenomenon that Haval (2021) referred to as cultural alienation brought on by bilingualism. This is further supported by the current study, which shows that too much exposure to L2 media causes language shift, in which children who speak Kurdish favor vocabulary in English over their native tongue.
Children's language use is greatly influenced by their parents, and this study emphasizes the necessity of parental action to keep Kurdish the primary language spoken at home. Parental management over screen time may assist in balancing L1 and L2 exposure, since previous research (e.g., Pehala et al., 2022) demonstrated a correlation between children's vocabulary variance and the amount of time they spend on YouTube. Similarly, Dewi and Anggraeni (2023) highlighted the importance of habit development in language acquisition, demonstrating that children who watch English-language content frequently had better word recall. This is supported by the current study, which found that children who watched YouTube for more than 3 hours per day remembered Kurdish items far less than children who watched it less.
Although YouTube's function in second language learning has been studied in the past, few studies have examined how it affects minority languages like Kurdish. This study adds to the body of knowledge by demonstrating how YouTube affects first language retention as well as second language acquisition. According to the findings, YouTube may be a useful resource for language acquisition, but too much exposure without L1 reinforcement might cause language shift and a decline in mother tongue ability.
4.2 Interpreting the Language Shift Phenomenon
More than just vocabulary acquisition, the sharp preference shift toward English vocabulary (90% retention for high exposure groups versus just 10% for Kurdish) indicates a fundamental change in language dominance patterns throughout crucial developmental periods. This result raises the possibility that exposure to digital media is causing "domain loss," as defined by Fishman (1991), in which minority languages gradually lose their functional significance in young learners' cognitive repertoires.
A serious weakness in minority language transmission is shown by the age-differential effects, which reveal that younger children (3–4 years) prefer English more than older children (5–6 years). These findings suggest subtractive bilingualism, in which L2 acquisition takes precedence over L1 competency, in contrast to earlier research that mostly concentrated on additive bilingualism. The positive results of Bensallah et al. (2019), who found no detrimental impacts on Arabic L1 maintenance, are in conflict with this trend. The discrepancy most likely stems from the various sociolinguistic contexts: Behdini Kurdish functions in a more vulnerable minority language setting with less external reinforcement, whereas Arabic receives institutional backing and broad usage.
4.3 Critical Analysis of Digital Media's Role in Language Socialization:
A troubling trend of unconscious language socialization is revealed by the relationship between viewing length and English choice. Youngsters who spend more than three hours a day on YouTube are internalizing English as their major linguistic reference system, not only learning vocabulary. This process is especially pernicious for minority language preservation because it functions below the level of human awareness.
To he results imply that existing parental interventions might not be enough to offset the immersive character of digital English exposure, which is in contrast to Farahsani et al. (2020), who highlighted parental mediation as a protective factor. The six-year-old youngster who "does not know the Kurdish alphabet correctly" in spite of growing up in a Kurdish-speaking family serves as an example of how digital domination may trump more conventional methods of language transmission.
4.4 Implications for Minority Language Vitality:
These results have significant ramifications for the survival of the Kurdish language in the digital era. Digital media is successfully changing the conceptual domains through which children organize their world knowledge, as seen by the preference recall of semantic categories that are frequently included in children's YouTube material (colors, animals, and food items). This is an example of "cognitive colonization" in which categorical thinking is framed by English by default.
Compared to earlier research, the difficulty of Kurdish intergenerational transmission is significantly different. Digital media causes an internal erosion process where youngsters choose to deliberately abandon their heritage language without understanding the cultural ramifications of their decision, whereas historically, threats to minority languages usually entailed external suppression or economic pressures.
4.5 Educational and Policy Implications
4.5.1 For Kurdish Education Systems
These findings call for a thorough reexamination of Kurdistan's early childhood language instruction. When children come at educational institutions with already impaired Kurdish abilities, traditional techniques that presume firm L1 foundations may not be sufficient. Educational policy ought to take into account
· Thorough L1 reinforcement programs aimed at children aged 3-6 before ingrained language preferences
· Digital Kurdish content development that can match English YouTube channels in terms of engagement and production quality;
· Parent education programs that target the qualitative components of media usage rather than just screen time limitations
4.5.2 For Language Policy and Planning
The results imply that in the digital age, passive language maintenance techniques—just speaking Kurdish at home—might not be enough. Strategies for active intervention are needed, such as:
• Investment in top-notch Kurdish digital content that is produced to the same standards as international English content.
• Regulatory frameworks mandating Kurdish dubbing or subtitles for children's content.
• Community-based language reinforcement initiatives that establish Kurdish-dominant social environments
4.5 Broader Sociolinguistic Implications:
According to this study, language shift processes can be accelerated by globalized digital media in ways that conventional sociolinguistic models do not adequately account for. The observed preference changes' rapidity and severity imply that language socialization effects from digital exposure are more potent than previously thought.
The results also demonstrate how inadequate it is to see bilingualism as intrinsically advantageous without taking into account the power relationships across languages. "Bilingual" development may really be a covert monolingual shift toward the dominant language in situations where one language (English) has substantially more digital representation and international reputation.
4.6 Limitations and Future Research Directions:
Although this study offers important baseline data, the findings' generalizability is limited by a number of constraints. Definitive causation assertions are not possible due to the cross-sectional design and limited sample size. Longitudinal monitoring should be used in future studies to record the evolution of language preference shifts and examine whether early English preferences endure or can be changed with focused intervention.
Furthermore, studies investigating how well Kurdish digital material reverses preference tendencies may offer important information for language revival initiatives. It would be possible to determine if these tendencies are unique to the Behdini setting or reflect larger trends by conducting comparative research across various Kurdish dialects and geographical areas.
4.7 Case-by-Case Analysis
Case 1: A six-year-old girl who spends more than 3 hours every day watching YouTube. She often imitates words from YouTube and uses both English and Kurdish in her daily communication, as reported by the parent. According to her parent, YouTube has made her learn new words such as “run, jump, come, go, how are you, and hello,” which she uses when talking to others. In the test, she correctly mentions the words in Kurdish but said "apple," "banana," and "seven" in English, which shows the influence of YouTube on her vocabulary. As for everyday language, her speech was in Kurdish, but with the use of the word “eye”, a borrowed word from English, in her remarks “و هێکا وەکی “. In the semantic section, she successfully identifies the pairs in Kurdish. In this case, there is an influence of YouTube’s English videos on her language, as seen in her speech when she talks, but her Kurdish is good. This aligns with Farahsani's 2019 study, where he found out that YouTube help children learn new words.
Case 2: A three-year-old girl who spends 2 to 3 hours every day watching YouTube. As the parent stated, she always imitates words from YouTube, such as colors and animal names. In her language test, she identifies words “five, banana, fish, monkey, blue, seven” in English due to frequent YouTube consumption. As for semantic development, she knew the two words ‘cry’ and ‘happy’, and also correctly knew another pair in Kurdish, while she wrongly answered the remaining pairs of items. There is a dominant role of YouTube in shaping her vocabulary, as she mentions most of the vocabulary in English.
Case 3: A three-year-old boy who spends 1 to 2 hours on YouTube. According to the parent, he always imitates YouTube, and this has not affected his Kurdish. In the test, he recognized some words like ‘apple’, ‘banana’, ‘red’, ‘blue’, ‘car’, and ‘baby shark’, referring to fish. As for the Semantic category, he recognized ‘happy’, ‘cry’, ‘sun’, and ‘moon’, referring to day and night. His score was low as he did not identify most of the items, and he mentioned some in English and others in Kurdish. Unlike the parent statement, it is clear that YouTube has affected his Kurdish as the boy recalled the items he knew in English were more specifically 11 than the ones in Kurdish, which were only 4 words.
Case 4: A six-year-old boy who spends more than 3 hours daily watching YouTube. Statement of his parent: “Yes, it affected him severely to the point where he did not know the Kurdish alphabet correctly.” This is the answer of the parent after asking whether YouTube English videos have affected his Kurdish or not. The parent said that he learned numbers, colors, names of animals, and many other words. In the test, he recalls most of the items in English and none in Kurdish. All vocabulary and semantic words, even in one of the answers, he stated, “one of them is sunlight and the other one is moonlight” for the day and night pictures. The effect of YouTube is shown in his speech as he said, “ئەز هاید وسیک گەل وان کم” translates to “I play hide and seek with my friends” when saying what game he plays with friends. There is a significant effect of YouTube in this case, due to much exposure to YouTube, the boy does not even know the Kurdish alphabet. Bensallah, in 2019, also investigated YouTube’s effect on vocabulary development among children, and the results showed that with correct supervision by the parents, YouTube helps children to repeat and imitate words without any hesitation.
Case 5: A four-year-old boy who spends 1 to 2 hours watching YouTube every day. The parent said that he learned new words from YouTube, like ‘Pineapple’, ‘car names’, ‘colors’, and ‘animal names’, but it has not affected his Kurdish, as people around him use the Kurdish language. In the test, he recalls words like ‘apple’, ‘banana’, fish, chicken, monkey, red, blue, and strawberry in English; other words he mentioned were in Kurdish. For the semantics, he utters them in Kurdish and doesn’t recognize other pictures. In this case, the boy preferred English words even though he is aware of his Kurdish words, which means he learned new words. This happened because the parent is in control of the child’s screen time consumption
These results imply that YouTube is profoundly changing the language choices and vocabulary acquisition of Kurdish youngsters in intricate ways that differ according to age, vocabulary domain, and exposure time to YouTube. Digital media may significantly change young children's minority language vocabulary development in the absence of deliberate mediation, which might result in long-term L1 vocabulary attrition.
Research Question 1: How can children in Zakho relate English-language YouTube videos to Behdini Kurdish terminology?
The information shows that English has a significant effect on every language domain examined. Semantic comprehension (30%), social language usage (34%), syntax (42%), and vocabulary (55.5%) were the areas with the greatest effect. The fact that youngsters use English terminology in place of Kurdish in a variety of contexts suggests that basic elements of language development are being impacted. It was revealed that all of the children participated in the research (100%) mimic or repeat words and phrases from YouTube, with 80% doing so "always" and the remaining 20% doing it "often".
Research Question 2: What impact does YouTube have on children' vocabulary?
The majority of children (80%) learned color words in English, followed by names of animals (60%), fruits (50%), numbers (40%), and greetings (30%). These categories stand for tangible, graphically supported ideas that are commonly seen in children's literature. Vocabulary effect is substantially correlated with the large average daily viewing duration of almost 3 hours; children who watched for 1 to 2 hours per day showed 35.4% English influence across language domains, while those who watched for 2-3 hours or more showed 42.5% influence. This tendency is consistent with Krcmar's (2014) results that young children's language learning patterns are proportionately impacted by increased screen usage.
Research Question 3: Does watching English-language YouTube videos affect children's preference for L1 vocabulary over L2 vocabulary?
The results unequivocally show that L1 (Kurdish) vocabulary choice has shifted to L2 (English). Only 20% of the children speak Kurdish as their first language, but 60% of the youngsters speak both Kurdish and English at home. Even when speaking Kurdish, several parents observed that their children prefer to answer in English, suggesting a preference change that goes beyond simple vocabulary learning. Younger children (3–4 years) showed a greater English linguistic effect (45.0%) compared to older children (37.3%), indicating that younger children are more vulnerable to this preference change during important language development times.
5. Conclusion
Three main research topics on how English-language YouTube videos affect the vocabulary development of Kurdish youngsters in Zakho were addressed in this study. The results showed that extended exposure (>3 hours per day) to English YouTube video dramatically alters vocabulary recall patterns, with 90% of tested vocabulary retained in English compared to just 10% in Kurdish. This indicates the level of effect. In addition, younger children (ages 3–4) showed a higher vulnerability to changes in language preferences, suggesting that early exposure during crucial developmental stages speeds up L1 attrition. Third, the study found that parental mediation and exposure time were the main factors impacting language choice, with restricted intake of Kurdish content accelerating the trend toward English dominance.
The implementation of structured screen time limits (no more than one to two hours per day), the active promotion of Kurdish-language digital content through carefully curated playlists, the establishment of "Kurdish-only" hours at home, and the encouragement of parental co-viewing with Kurdish commentary are some specific actionable recommendations based on these findings. Early childhood courses should incorporate technology-mediated Kurdish language exercises and provide age-appropriate Kurdish digital resources.
A number of limitations are acknowledged in the study, most notably the concentration on a specific geographic region, the cross-sectional design that precludes drawing conclusions about causality, and the small sample size (n=5) that restricts generalizability. Future studies should look into school-based intervention programs, use longitudinal designs to monitor language development over time, increase the number of participants across multiple Kurdish regions, and examine how well bilingual digital content maintains L1-L2 balance while utilizing technology's educational potential.
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